"What do they know of Cornwall, who only Cornwall know?"

For nearly two centuries Cornwall has experienced close links with both
the Australian & American continents (with America often referred to as the
next parish), and from a study of available statistics it is clear that
over this period hundreds of thousands of Cornishmen and their families
left their beloved county. The fact that such a great migration did occur
is well documented, but what were the factors that instigated it?  With the
foundation the Australian colonies in the 1830s and the opening up of the
American continent, a well orchestrated campaign of recruitment was
initiated in the county. Agents were appointed initially by both the
colonies and the mining companies to recruit suitable employees from the
Cornish mines. Meetings and lectures were held at the principle towns
proclaiming the virtues and prospects of the new ventures, and the flow of
emigrants started and when combined with the failure of the potato crop in
1840 and the hardship this incurred the flow became a veritable torrent.
Meanwhile, other factors were at play, and to see these it is necessary to
look at the employment trends in the county at that time. 

A rather simplistic view of the development of large scale mining in
Cornwall during the early nineteenth century indicates that there was a
definite west to east movement. Census returns show us that as each new
area developed, a predominately young male workforce moved into lodgings in
the locality. Once these mines proved themselves and offered some sense of
security, the wives and families followed. Meanwhile, the unattached young
men naturally married into the local stock. As each area peaked and
subsequently declined the redundant workforce moved to the developing mines
to the east leaving their families behind, with the cycle repeating itself
many times over. Meanwhile, there were on occasions other factors
influencing events. For example, upon studying the 1841 and 1851 census 
returns for the parishes of Breage and Germoe in the west of the county, a
27% reduction in the population is noted. However, this was not due to the
working out of the lode, rather that Wheal Vor, the largest mine in the
area with a total workforce of well over 1000, closed due to legal disputes
between the years 1847-53. If we then look further afield to the developing
mining districts to the east, a substantially higher proportion than normal
of the immigrant labour can be seen to have originated from these hard
suffering parishes. Unfortunately, with the crash of the price of copper 
in 1866, little opportunity existed for alternative employment in the
county, and many Cornishmen were forced to find work elsewhere. The concept
of seeking employment overseas was nothing new to many Cornish families
with most having some relatives far from home. Nevertheless, there were 
opportunities in the other mining areas of Britain, such as the Mendip lead
mines (worked since Roman times), the South Wales and Northern coal fields
and the tin and copper deposits in Ireland, the Isle of Man and Anglesey. 

A major employer during the late 1860s was emerging in the form of the
northern collieries, who were experiencing a period of industrial unrest,
with their workforce becoming more militant in the strife for better pay
and improved working conditions. After numerous disputes the employers
became less "tolerant", and in many instances their solution was to sack
all those on strike and replace them with unemployed Cornishmen. Due to the
nature of remuneration in the Cornish mines, namely the tributing system,
where each tributer was in effect self employed, the trade union movement
never succeeded in establishing itself in the Cornish mines. On the few
occasions when more enlightened individuals attempted to introduce the
concept of unionism to the workforce, the various mine owners in that
particular vicinity quickly united and crushed it in its infancy, with the
ring leaders being barred from employment in any mines in the county. A
prime example of the mass movement of Cornish miners to the North of
England is that of the Cramlington collieries in Northumberland, where on
the 5th December, 1865, 300 men together with their families arrived by
train, to be followed on 27th December by 128 men, 111 women and 248
children. It appears that it was only when the striking workforce were
evicted from their homes to make way for the Cornish that the exact
circumstances of their employment became apparent. An extract from "The
West Briton" dated 20th September 1865 sums up the situation well. 
"Employment is more difficult to obtain, emigration is going on upon a
scale hitherto unprecedented, and many of the small undertakings are being
wound up and the large ones becoming unprofitable. Trade is falling of by
degrees, and credit is considerably dearer, while the small trader is
suffering from heavy bad debts suddenly made through customers emigrating.
Respecting the mining interests, there is but little of an encouraging
character, and until a reaction sets in, things must go from bad to worse".

It is interesting to note that securing employment was not the only problem
facing the Cornish families, for the collapse of the copper price roughly
coincided with a dramatic increase in the price of some basic commodities.
For example, the monthly salary for a hard working miner in the St Just
area in 1865 was about 3-3-0, but by 1867 this had fallen to 2-10-0.
During the same period the price for a sack of flour had risen from 1-10-0
to 2-10-0. The consequence of all these factors can be seen in the
predictable increase in the number of paupers receiving indoor relief at
the workhouse.

Having made what must have been a traumatic decision to uproot and seek a
fortune elsewhere, the actual journey itself was not without its problems.
Many ships were totally inadequate for the type of voyage ahead, and this
must have been something of a shock to those committed to the journey.
Despite the obvious possibility of shipwreck, sickness was a constant
companion, and data published for the Port of Quebec (commonly known as
"The Blue Papers") gives us some idea of the likelihood of mortality on
such a voyage.

Port of embarkation
Percentage mortality 
rate during voyage

English Ports - Excluding Liverpool
1.0%

Scottish
3.12%

Irish - Including Liverpool (en route)
10.49%

Liverpool
15.9%

Cork - Ireland
18.73%

Padstow (CORNWALL)
0.22%


From these statistics many questions might be asked, but the most obvious
is, Why was there such a staggering difference in mortality rates between
the ports of Cork and Padstow?  One possible answer might be a combination
of the seaworthiness of the Cornish fleet, the state of health of the
Cornish migrant and the fact that the Cornish, being a maritime culture,
were more prepared for the journey ahead. (However, this begs further 
research at a later date.)

There must be many readers with details and stories of their mining
ancestors suitable for submission, and as all printouts detail the data
source, there exist the possibility of linking with other lines. If you
have a story to tell on behalf of your ancestors please contact me, so 
that I may add your details to the 14,000 already on database. 

 Ian Richards, Higher Stanbeer, Henwood, Liskeard, Cornwall, PL14 5BH, UK,

